Haydn Lloyd Davies and Helen Davies

Interview by Tim Dixon

Haydn Lloyd Davies hails from the north of Wales and although he took out Australian citizenship in the early 1960s, there is still a strong attachment to his homeland. Since migrating to Australia in 1955 with his Australian bride, he has busied himself in Welsh cultural activities. He is currently the vice president and patron of Cymdeithas Cymraeg Sydney and a Senior Deputy Convener of the Celtic Council.

His early years spent in and around the town of Denbigh played an important part in shaping his life and remain a fond source of memories. He readily recalls the social cohesion which characterised  life in the surrounding villages, under the watchful eye of the village policeman who maintained law and order. "There was a terrific sense of community," he said. "There were mechanisms for looking after the left hand side and the right hand side [of the normal curve]."
On the death of his mother soon after his birth, Lloyd Davies went to live with his maternal grandmother in town. He attended the Love Lane Boys School where all classes were conducted in English and there was no acknowledgment of Welsh language or culture. The cane was used frequently. "There was one teacher in particular who was bad. His name was Robert Savage and we used to describe him as 'Savage by name and savage by nature,'" he said.

When he was fourteen, he moved to Cae Drain, his maternal grandparents' farm in Henllan, on the death of his maternal grandmother. By North Wales standards, Cae Drain was a large and fertile mixed farm. It had dairy and beef cattle, prime lambs, pigs and poultry as well as producing wheat, barley, oats, swedes and mangels.
At this stage, Lloyd Davies was studying at Denbigh Grammar School and helping out on the farm. "I learned to milk a cow at a very young age, certainly before my teens. I was involved in all the work. I handled a horse pulling a roller for rolling a paddock. I could take feed in bags to cattle in a pony and float. Every Saturday afternoon we used to grind oats and sometimes peeled beans for  cattle feed. We pulped the swedes and we chaffed the hay and I took part in all those activities. "

With his background, it was fitting that  Lloyd Davies went on to obtain a degree with honours in Agriculture. "I was brought up farming. I had to do something with agriculture," he said. In Canberra, he was accepted as a research scientist for the CSIRO, before getting a Ph.D.

About a decade ago, in a nostalgic exercise, Lloyd Davies wrote an essay titled ‘Social Life in Rural Wales’, drawing on his experiences growing up. Earlier this year, he delivered a speech based on the essay at the Parc Menai Celtic Festival, describing once again the world of his youth.

Aspects of Welsh Social Life in rural Wales in the first half of the 20th Century
by
H. Lloyd Davies

Introduction

There has been a tendency to emphasise the social and cultural life of industrial Wales in contrast with rural Wales and I would like to give a few thoughts on my assessment of social life in Wales in the first half of the 20th century but, particularly up to the out break of the 1939-45 War.
The area I would be referring to will be the area surrounding the town of Denbigh which was the county town of Denbighshire in the heart of the vale of Clwyd. One feature, which is repeated over many parts of rural Wales, is the many villages which form the catchment area for Denbigh, both for marketing, secondary education and social activities. These include the villages of Henllan, Llanefydd, Llanrhaeadr, Trefnant, Llansanan, Prion, Groes, Bylchau and many others. All these villages had populations varying from 100 to 400 and each was a microcosm in its own right. One interesting feature was that, with the exception of Trefnant, in all the villages mentioned the spoken language then was Welsh, whereas the spoken language on the High Street and in the shops in Denbigh, but not in the Livestock Market, was mainly English.
Language
As already mentioned Welsh was the language of the village and English in the town. This pattern, even in the town, however, was very dependent on the teaching in the primary schools. In the primary schools I attended, there was a strong pro-English and very anti-Welsh attitude. For sheer survival, although I was monoglot Welsh up to the age of 5, I had to learn English without the benefit initially of formal instruction. Welsh was entirely the language of worship unless you happened to be Episcopalian. There were no English services in any of the non-conformist chapels. The effect of this very anti-Welsh drive in the primary schools, with the exception of tis one girls school, was such that when I went to Grammar School, the pupils were divided into, the ‘Welsh class’ which studied Welsh language and literature and ‘non-Welsh’ classes where Welsh was taught as a foreign language. I was one of only six boys in a class of 30, and of that only one came from the town of Denbigh – the rest of us were either from a village or a farm.
Education
The level of primary education in rural Wales at this time was very variable. The qualifications of the Primary school were very variable = ranging from science and arts graduates who were unable to find employment in the secondary schools or industry to some, sadly near-illiterates who somehow had drifted through the system starting as pupil teachers and who had no tertiary training and some of whom should never been given the care of young minds. The emphasis in the primary schools was very much on the three r’s and an excessive use of the cane. Many opportunities were missed to widen and deepen the education of the pupils. There was one exception to this and that was music. In all the primary schools that I was aware of, the emphasis on music and singing in particular was very great. A particular impetus was given to this in the late 1930s in Denbigh because of the holding of the Welsh National Eisteddfod in Denbigh in 1939 and one of the highlights was an evening performance by the children’s choir which was recruited from all the primary schools in the area. I know of at least three Primary School headmasters who were very gifted musically and who ensured tat a sizeable proportion of each day was allotted to music. However, the music was not taught in depth, rather we sang innumerable Welsh airs “The Ash Grove”, “Counting The Goats” “The Gipsy” “The Bells of Aberdovey”. The medium used was tonic sol-fa no-one was taught to read music at school.
In sharp contrast with the backward state of the primary schools those fortunate enough to pass the 11+ examination to attend the secondary Grammar school were very fortunate. We were particularly lucky in Denbigh Grammar school which as measured by examination results and job placement was by common consent the out standing Grammar school of North Wales thanks to the fantastic drive, energy and commitment of the headmaster –W A Evans MC, MSc, MA. He had a firmly held belief in the work ethic and insisted a very full and heavy academic programme and a very heavy homework programme. This homework would include weekly essays in history, geography, Welsh and English, .translations in French and Latin, laboratory work in chemistry, physics and biology and problems in arithmetic algebra, geometry and trigonometry In later life I have been particularly grateful for this background and discipline There was, however a price paid for this intensive training. That was the neglect of Welsh.. All instruction was given in English with the exception of those like me chose to study Welsh Language and Literature.. The only sentence of Welsh in six years in Assembly was at the end of the list of old boyys who fell in the two world wars read out on Armistice Day {Nov.11} –“Mewn Angof Ni Chant Fod” (We Will Remember Them.)The majority of pupils eventually entered the Professions (including teaching and Holy Orders).banking and local government
Social Structure
The social and class structures in rural North Wales have been referred to as “The last remaining Feudal part of Britain”- A J P Taylor. There was an area sociology, a town sociology and a village sociology. Occupying the top stratum and regarding themselves as the aristocracy were the “old families” (Arglwydd y Plas) who were completely Anglicised despite having welsh names such as Griffiths, Watkins, Williams-Wynn and Lloyds. Characteristically, they lived in the ‘Plas’ –a vast mansion employing a large indoor and outdoor staff. To the rest of us, they did not appear to do any work, hunted minimally two or three days a week, sometimes sat on the bench of Magistrates and were generous and courteous to their staff. The management of the estate was left to agents. They were never educated in Welsh schools ( their children were taught by governesses until sent to English Public Schools) nor made any contribution to the Celtic way of life with one outstanding exception and that was Squire Wynn of Garthewin who, at his own expense, built the first Welsh Drama Theatre in Wales for the production of Welsh plays. He was of course regarded as a rather dotty eccentric by his peers.
The social structure in the town would be similar to the social structure of towns almost anywhere else in the UK with the professions heading the list, but in the early 20th Century this would include the Grammar School teachers who were regarded certainly as being on par with the learned professions and also, unlike the present situation, Ministers of Religion, regardless of denomination, were also classified with the professions. Below that tier were the business men and the various self-employed and managerial strata.
Rather more interesting in relation to the Celtic culture was the village structure. The aristocracy felt themselves very much part of the village, would always know the farmers, craftsmen and shopkeepers and would exchange the time of day with every strata of society and usually busied themselves in ecclesiastical affairs, locally and nationally and were usually the commanding officers of the local Territorial infantry battalions. The village structure consisting of the farmers, who were very jealous of their status and this was generally accorded on the number of employees per farm, the shopkeepers. craftsmen (blacksmith, carpenter, plumber and ‘builder’) and labourers. An important feature of the village life was easy communication within the society and the protective mechanisms to ensure that the less able did not suffer unduly and the gifted were encouraged. One area where all social distinctions disappeared was in cultural activities and in religious matters. Neither occupation, social standing nor assets owned would necessarily ensure senior position as an elder of the Chapel. These situations could only be attained by the respect and regard in which in which the elected elders (or deacons as they were sometimes called} were held in the community. It is fashionable to poke fun at the Elders of the Church now but in those days they were incorruptible guardians of moral standards.
Religion
Religious life in Wales was still an important sociological force up to the outbreak of the 1939-1945 war. Nearly everyone and certainly all children would attend church or chapel every Sunday. I knew no-one who would openly confess to either atheism or even agnosticism1 In loking at the make-up denominations, there was an absence of Jewry; there were very few Roman Catholics –virtually none (I knew of only one in Henllan) and a very small number in the towns. Roman Catholics were excused Religious Instruction in the Grammar School but had to sit in a class at the same level not being given Religious Instruction- their numbers would rarely exceed two in 60 and none in the forms studying Welsh Language and Literature, who would be all Welsh speakers.
The Church in Wales (the Episcopalian Church) occupied a strange position. They claimed to have continued the Apostolic Succession and so, therefore until the disestablishment in the early 20th Century it was theoretically the official religion; for instance all burials in churchyards until the reforms of Lloyd George in the early 20th Century had to be according to the rites of the Anglican church and non-conformist ministers were not allowed to bury the dead according to their own prayer books. Despite being the official religion the great Welsh author, Gwilym R Jones, stated that it was a church never really accepted by the Welsh people and, in fact, prior to the spiritual revivals of the nineteenth and early twentieth century, was notorious for slackness, pluralism and keeping the people in ignorance despite being the church of Bishop Morgan who translated the Bible into Welsh in the late 16th Century. By the twentieth century it had thrown off most of the early criticisms levelled at it by the Welsh revivalists and most of the clergy were cultured University graduates who carried out there pastoral duties with sincerity and sympathy. Nevertheless, like the schools, they were, sadly, a major force in the continuing Anglicisation of Wales and most of there services were in English and, with one or two honourable exceptions played no part nor did they involve themselves in the maintenance of Celtic culture.
In great contrast with the Church in Wales were the nonconformist denominations which were all well accepted by the people and were the major force, both in the 19th and 20th centuries in the maintenance of Welsh culture and its development. Outstanding leadership on matters theological, sociological and political was provided by the Ministers usually from one of the four denominations: Calvinistic Methodist (or Presbyterian in England) .Wesleyan Methodists, (Methodists in England),Baptists and the Congregationalists. In North Wales the Calvinistic Methodists are the most numerous but I would conservatively estimate that the Nonconformists out number the Anglicans by at least 4:1.An important feature in the maintenance of religion as a strong moral force in the first half of the 20th century were the powerful sermons given by the ministers. There were usually two sermons prepared per month - one for the morning service and one for the evening. They would deliver these sermons on the first Sunday in the month in their own chapel and then the same sermons would be delivered in chapels in the area travelling up to 10 miles from their home base. These sermons were often a direct appeal to the emotions and yet offered a deep insight into philosophy and theology even though the emphasis was on sin and sacrifice without much emphasis on absolution or forgiveness.. In the midst of their discourse they would break into a chant called “hwyl” arising from religious fervour and conviction. There was always relevance to important contemporary issues including pacifism, trade unionism, temperance, moral standards, social legislation.. The great preachers of that era became a bye-word for inspiration. With the decline of the Age of Faith their descendants found their outlet either on the stage or as barristers.
The non-conformist chapels identified themselves with Celtic aspirations and raised the level of Welsh literacy and many of the ministers were leading poets and authors.
A near unique feature of Welsh religious activity was the Sunday school. e. The Welsh Sunday School was instigated by the Reverend Thomas Charles of Bala the mid 19th Century. A particular feature of the Welsh Sunday Schools was the adult classes which were a forum for theological and sociological discussion at a very sophisticated level for adults in the community. The chapel initiated and organised mid-week meetings such as The Band of Hope –a junior temperance movement; the Seiat an adult religious discussion group and various other meetings. Each chapel held its own Eisteddfod. Most of the credit for the continuation and expansion of the language and the development of poetry and the articulation of deep National feelings has been associated with non-conformism in Wales.
Music
The Welsh are always assumed to be musical. However the music in Wales is more associated with interpretive contributions rather than original creations. Within this interpretive framework, choral singing (both mixed choirs and male voice))solos on the harp and individual solo singers still figure prominently in the international Celtic contribution. An uniquely Welsh musical tradition is “Penillion Singing”. This is a complex interaction of the meter of the lyrics to a contrapuntal traditional air which called for great skill on the part of singer and accompanist – the singer came in after one or two bars from the accompanist, but both had to finish simultaneously.
Work and Diet on the Farm
Despite the invention of the internal combustion engine in the 19th century, mechanisation of cultivation, sowing and harvest9ing was not extensive in Welsh agriculture until after 1939. There are many reasons for this, including, particularly, the very depressed state of the whole of British Agriculture from the mid-1920s until 1939 and the lack of a cash flow for the investment in large capital items such as a tractor. In addition, right up to 1939 many farmers including my grandfather and uncles went about their business in a pony and trap.
The working day of both farmer and worker was hard and long. Typical hours were 6.00 am to 6.00 pm Monday to Friday, 6.00am o 4.00 pm Saturday; Sunday differed from the other days because there would be no field work, just milking, feeding cleaning out and bedding of the animals –a mere 7 hour day! Every one helped in order to get the work finished. Wages were low. I can remember my Grandfather hiring a ploughman for 30s a week plus meals. Very few were paid more than two pounds a week.
In the rural community, there was considerable community interaction. This was seen best in the peripatetic threshing machine that was still being drawn and driven by steam traction. Nearly every farm sent at least one man to a neighbour to assist with threshing because in those days about twelve men were required for threshing and the meals were memorable. There was always a communal effort at shearing time and also in the harvests. If your own crop was in, you gave willingly of your horses and wagons and man or men to ensure that a neighbour got his in.
Diet on the farm in the valley was, on the whole excellent. Nearly every farmer or farm labourer killed one, two or three quite large pigs which ensured a distribution of pork and offal two days after killing and a supply of bacon and ham into spring and summer. Milk was free and most labourers kept poultry. Eggs from the farm flock were usually kept for sale and one of the differences between breakfasts for the family compared with the men was that we always had eggs with our bacon! There was usually a mid-day meat dish which would be minimally two vegetables and a pudding, usually the dreaded rice pudding. Tea was served at 3.30 to 4.00 pm consisting of good bread with adequate butter and homemade jam. Supper was often cold meat and salad or cheese.